Biography

Austin, Warren Robinson
[Senator r-VT Ambassador-UN]

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Warren Austin
biography
United States Senator
from Vermont
In office
April 1, 1931 – August 2, 1946
Preceded by Frank C. Partridge
Succeeded by Ralph E. Flanders
2nd United States Ambassador to the United Nations
In office
1946–1953
President Harry S. Truman
Preceded by Herschel Johnson (Acting)
Succeeded by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
Personal details
Born November 12, 1877
Franklin County, Vermont
Died December 25, 1962(1962-12-25) (aged85)
Burlington, Vermont
Nationality American
Political party Republican
Spouse(s) Mildred Marie Lucas
Religion Congregationalist

Warren Robinson Austin (November 12, 1877 – December 25, 1962) was an American politician and statesman; among other roles, he served as Senator from Vermont and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations.

Born in Highgate Center in Franklin County, Vermont, he attended public schools, Bakersfield Academy, and then the University of Vermont, from which he graduated in 1899. He then studied law and entered practice in 1902. In 1904 he was appointed State's attorney of Franklin County, a position he held for two years.

In his first few years in politics, he served in a number of roles, including chairman of the Vermont Republican State Convention in 1908, Mayor of St. Albans in 1909, a delegate to the Congress of the Mint in 1912, and a member of the United States Court for China in 1917. During this period, he also served as a commissioner for the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit from 1907 to 1915.

His rising prominence led to his appointment as a trustee of the University of Vermont in 1914, a position he would retain until 1941.

He also served as a special counsel for Vermont in a dispute over the exact border between Vermont and the neighboring state of New Hampshire from 1925 to 1937.

He was elected to the Senate on March 31, 1931, in a special election called upon the death of former Senator Frank L. Greene, and took his seat the next day. He went on to win re-election twice (in 1934 and 1940). In the Senate, Austin championed internationalist causes—standing with President Franklin D. Roosevelt on issues such as neutrality and Lend-Lease.

He resigned on August 2, 1946, near the end of his last term, in order to accept appointment as the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, a position he held until January 25, 1953, when he retired to Burlington.

He was a member of a number of organizations and societies, professional and otherwise, including the American Bar Association, the American Judicature Society, the Loyal Legion, the Society of the Cincinnati, the Freemasons, the Shriners, the Odd Fellows, the Rotary Club, and Kappa Sigma. In religion he was a Congregationalist Christian. Austin received an LL.D. from Bates College in 1947. Austin is memorialized in a marble tablet in the Vermont State House's hall of Inscriptions at Montpelier, Vermont.

biography   biography

Monday morning Sunday evening in Washington  [6/26/1950 0900 - [6/25/1960 2000 DC]  MacArthur's first Korean orders came in over his telecon, a form of communication comprising two typewriters and two screens;  messages punched out on the Pentagon keyboard appeared on MacArthur's tube.

Operation of all U.S., forces in Asia was now officially vested in him. His new title, added to SCAP, was Commander in Chief, Far East (CINCFE). He was instructed to "support the Republic of Korea" with warships around, and warplanes over, South Korea. He could expect broader powers as Austin applied greater pressure on UN allies.

 Already America had one foot on the battlefield. By now reports from Taejŏn had eclipsed any hope that the invaders could be swiftly driven back, and both he and Dulles were gloomy when he drove the envoy to Haneda for his flight home.

 MacArthur, as pessimistic as he had been ebullient before, now spoke darkly of writing off the entire Korean peninsula. He had just radioed Truman:

"South Korean units unable to resist determined North Korean offensive. Contributory factor exclusive enemy possession of tanks and fighter planes. South Korean casualties as an index to fighting have not shown adequate resistance capabilities or the will to fight and our estimate is that a complete collapse is imminent."

In his reply the President again cautioned him to send no fliers or vessels north of the Parallel.   


 June 26, 1950 0900

biography

Monday morning Sunday evening in Washington  [6/26/1950 0900 - [6/25/1960 2000 DC]  MacArthur's first Korean orders came in over his telecon, a form of communication comprising two typewriters and two screens;  messages punched out on the Pentagon keyboard appeared on MacArthur's tube.

Operation of all U.S., forces in Asia was now officially vested in him. His new title, added to SCAP, was Commander in Chief, Far East (CINCFE). He was instructed to "support the Republic of Korea" with warships around, and warplanes over, South Korea. He could expect broader powers as Austin applied greater pressure on UN allies.

 Already America had one foot on the battlefield. By now reports from Taejŏn had eclipsed any hope that the invaders could be swiftly driven back, and both he and Dulles were gloomy when he drove the envoy to Haneda for his flight home.

 MacArthur, as pessimistic as he had been ebullient before, now spoke darkly of writing off the entire Korean peninsula. He had just radioed Truman:

"South Korean units unable to resist determined North Korean offensive. Contributory factor exclusive enemy possession of tanks and fighter planes. South Korean casualties as an index to fighting have not shown adequate resistance capabilities or the will to fight and our estimate is that a complete collapse is imminent."

In his reply the President again cautioned him to send no fliers or vessels north of the Parallel.   [note]

June 26, 1950 0900

biography

MacArthur believed that the postwar struggle lay between   Christian democracy and "imperialistic Communism." Most of the United States agreed   as Walter Lippmann pointed out, it is hard for Americans to feel secure in an environment not governed by Christian concepts though there was a subtle difference between the General's view and theirs. As the popularity of McCarthyism attested, they were more offended by Marxist zealots, particularly American Marxists, than by Sino-Soviet hunger for power. MacArthur, with his nineteenth century credo, believed that the greater enemy was Muscovite adventurism. He would have been just as antagonistic toward them had a czar ruled in Moscow and mandarins in Peking. As he had repeatedly demonstrated in Tokyo, he was capable of adopting radical solutions as long as they weren't called radical. He had always paid lip service to conservative shibboleths. In practice, he had ignored them. It was Truman, after all, who wanted to fight the Huks and Ho Chi Minh's Viet Minh. It was MacArthur who had understood the motivation of both.


It is a massive irony that this Victorian liberal should have become the first commander of a United Nations army. Thanks to Warren Austin and to the Russian walkout out from the Security Council UN prestige was now committed to the South Korean cause, and thirteen countries had promised troops if the United States committed its own ground forces. In his first press conference since the rupture of the Parallel, Truman had agreed with a reporter who had asked:

"Would it be correct to call it a police action under the United Nations?"

 The phrase was unpopular in the United States; few Americans thought it an acceptable substitute for war, or felt allegiance to the world body. Many who did had doubts about the choice of a commander. James Reston wrote in the New York Times that

"General Douglas MacArthur, at 70," was being "asked to be not only a great soldier but a great statesman; not only to direct the battle, but to satisfy the Pentagon, the State Department, and the United Nations in the process."

Reston noted that unlike Eisenhower, with his "genius for international teamwork," MacArthur

"is a sovereign power in his own right, with stubborn confidence in his own judgment. Diplomacy and a vast concern for the opinions and sensitivities of others are the political qualities essential to this new assignment, and these are precisely the qualities General MacArthur has been accused of lacking in the past."  

 

August 228, 1950

Although the President's decisions were decidedly toward complete resistance of aggression, without the slightest tendency to conciliate or appease, the United States, on 27 June, had yet to choose whether to mount a unilateral effort or to promote United Nations action.

The advantages of acting under the auspices of the United Nations were apparent to all, but in the absence of specific knowledge on the final attitude of that body, and in a full realization of the need for quick and effective action, American officials pursued an independent course that could later be synchronized with any U.N. plan. On 27 June, after the ROK Government had appealed to the United Nations for assistance, Warren R. Austin, United States Representative to the United Nations, addressed the United Nations Security Council, denounced the North Korean action, and demanded stronger measures by the body than the proclamation of 25 June, which was having no effect.

The Security Council condemned the North Korean attack as a breach of the peace, called for an immediate cessation Page 74 of fighting, and recommended that members of the United Nations "... furnish such assistance to the Republic of Korea as may be necessary to repel the armed attack and to restore international peace and security in the area." [04-45] This resolution confirmed actions already taken by the United States